Three key patterns emerge. First, Islamic identity decisively prevailed over Uyghur ethnic identity and pan-Turkic identity as the dominant mobilizing frame - a majority of the twenty-eight documented secessionist organizations foregrounded their Muslim identity. Second, poorly educated rural peasants, not urban intellectuals or the middle class, formed the backbone of Uyghur militancy. Third, terrorist attacks overwhelmingly predominated over nonviolent protest or guerrilla warfare.
This study further demonstrates how authoritarian state practices did not merely respond to ethnic identity but actively reconstituted it. The collapse of Maoist ideology created a discursive vacuum in Uyghur communities, while state regulation of religious life inadvertently elevated Islam as the most credible framework for collective mobilization. Patronage employment and institutional surveillance neutralized educated urban Uyghurs, but left rural communities largely neglected. Repressive policing foreclosed nonviolent contention. The paper thus demonstrates how authoritarian state practices did not merely respond to ethnic identity but actively reconstituted it, playing a decisive role in shaping the specific contours of Uyghur mobilization.
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