Given the explosive response from the masses in the beginning of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), it is difficult to deny the liberating nature of, in Mao Zedong’s definition, a new revolution to stamp out all the remnants of bourgeois culture including bureaucratic domination. Ambiguous and inconsistent as they were, however, Mao’s ideas produced different results in different regions. As this panel shows, the Cultural Revolution projected class-based ethnocentrism at the national and/or ethnic margins. In the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, as Dong Jo Shin’s study shows, the fall of the ethnic Korean leadership was premeditated at the highest level, with Mao and the Central Cultural Revolution Group closely involved. Provoked by ethnic Korean leaders’ opposition to the Great Leap Forward policies and the dismissal of the Red Guards from Beijing, Jiang Qing sent the Chairman’s nephew, Mao Yuanxin, to Yanbian. His ideological negation of the ethnic autonomy turned this political action into an ethnic persecution. Inner Mongolia also stood out among China’s minority regions as a case of destruction of local ethnic leadership directed by Han Maoists, as Anran Wang shows. Not only the domestic ideological escalation but tense relations with the Soviet Union caused attacks on this bastion of Inner Mongolian autonomy. The Inner Mongolian leaders’ diverse measures to boycott the ideological campaigns launched by Beijing angered Han Maoists based locally and in Beijing, and ultimately led to the collapse of ethnic autonomy at the onset of the Cultural Revolution. In his research on the growth of state power over the Tibetan militia forces, Lei Duan shows CCP’s versatile manipulation of the Tibetans to serve its political agenda. The policy of suppressing the armed individuals especially after the Tibetan Rebellion of 1959 turned into a new policy of rearming the loyalists with those confiscated guns to make them engage in class struggle. These Tibetan militiamen and militiawomen later performed security duties, quelling armed struggles across the region. The Cultural Revolution reduced Tibetan autonomy partly through inducing local ethnic infighting. If these three regions show the autonomy-cancelling effects by Maoist attack, Angelina Yanyan Chin’s study shows the anti-socialist effects of the Cultural Revolution in Hong Kong. The KMT-affiliated media coverage of the dead bodies of Red Guards along the coastlines of Hong Kong as well as the kidnapping of Hong Kongese served to reinforce British occupation, as those horrendous images estranged them from socialist China. The case of Hong Kong in which people were not bound by the same political restraints as the mainlanders reveals the limits of Maoist ideology unpresented within China’s national boundaries. While observed in Han regions as a phenomenon of the Cultural Revolution that succeeded in removing individual bureaucrats but failed in reforming the system, it did succeed in removing the system of ethnic minorities’ bureaucracy. This success, however, reveals Maoist contradiction between their universal ideal for the liberation of exploited people and the ethnocentric character of their realpolitik, the contradiction explicitly exposed by the Chinese-ethnic people’s hatred of socialist China rather than British imperialism.