Taliban in the Northwest Frontier Province, 1920–2009: From Subaltern Publics to Aspiring Hegemony

Friday, January 7, 2011: 10:30 AM
Room 204 (Hynes Convention Center)
James Caron , University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA
Many studies of the Taliban movement in Pakistan have focused narrowly on the role of concrete networks. While this emphasis is important, it fails to capture the way that multiple unrelated movements nonetheless exist in decentered unity. In this paper I use the metaphor of “public” circulation to examine a deeper social history of itinerant taliban (religious students) and Pashtun populism. I argue that today’s Taliban have historical roots in imagined relationships that deliberately transcended concrete social network.

Agents of translocal power, from Mughal governors to US Marines, have relied on hierarchical networks of local elites (tribes and warlord factions) to contain sociopolitical agency among non-elite Pashtuns.  Memoirs and popular poetry, however, provide evidence attesting to large-scale Pashtun agency that resisted compartmentalization.  Since the 1880s, countercultural young men called “taliban” and the carnivals they brought from village to village circumvented the discipline of landed propriety and state power, providing discursive and institutional space within which anti-elite critical poetry flourished. Casual participation of viewers, and poetic cross-fertilization with more quotidian domains, contributed to a cumulative subaltern “background noise” that emerged at specific points as politically consequential – and adaptable to postcolonial nation-state politics.

As postcolonial states and their local networks undermined regional media and horizontal politics, non-elites across regions continued to imagine common belonging to a beleaguered “Pashtun” public, separate from hostile states, through Pashto small media circulation. This paper surveys poetic symbols and performative contexts that have linked taliban to wider popular culture trends since the late 19th century; and sociopolitical changes which helped transform taliban “social type” into Taliban “movement” - wherein national- and international-scale political agendas, and an abstract Taliban “brand” in Pakistani mainstream media, sustain specific networks rather than the reverse.

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